Test Bank for International Relations, 11th Edition

Test Bank for International Relations, 11th Edition offers expert-reviewed explanations and practice questions to boost your exam performance.

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ExamName___________________________________MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.1)The difference between the value of goods and services produced and their costs were referred toby Radicalists as1)A)surplus value.B)surplus cost.C)marginal value.D)marginal cost.E)profits.Answer:AExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)2)Dunlop’s “Common Ideology” is best defined as2)A)substantive rules regarding system outcomes such as pay.B)political affiliation shared by all actors in the system.C)common ideas defining the role, place and function of all actors in the system.D)rules governing behaviour by all actors in the system.E)economic ideas shared by all actors in the system.Answer:CExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)3)Radicalists and Political Economists believe3)A)society is composed of one class that blends owners and workers.B)widespread inequality is an integral part of any capitalist system.C)existing political and economic arrangements can solve most current Industrial Relationsissues.D)the value of goods and services produced by the workers is adequately reflected in wages.E)profits are equally shared by owners and workers.Answer:BExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)1

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4)A particular difficulty with the Canadian Industrial relations system, as viewed by PoliticalEconomists is4)A)inadequate representation of skilled labourers.B)inadequate representation of professional disciplines.C)inadequate recognition of managerial action.D)inadequate representation of small business owners.E)inadequate representation of women.Answer:EExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)5)Radicalists who believed that change in the Industrial relations system win Canada would comethrough a giant general strike were known as5)A)Syndicalists.B)Classical Marxists.C)Reformists.D)Institutionalists.E)Political Economists.Answer:AExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)6)According to Dunlop, an IR system includes all but the following:6)A)a web of rules governing the actors' workplace behaviour.B)three major actors.C)a single, clear statement as to how the system works.D)a common ideology binding the system together.E)various contexts.Answer:CExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)2

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7)Political economists believe change in the Industrial Relations system should come through7)A)direct actions such as general strikes.B)employee ownership and management of business enterprises.C)direct affiliation with a political party.D)violent overthrow of society.E)indirect Political activity such as lobbying.Answer:BExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)8)All but which one of the following employment patterns has increased significantly over the past20 years?8)A)work done on a short-term contractual basisB)regular part-time workC)regular full-time workD)work performed at homeE)self-employmentAnswer:CExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)9)Political Economists believe in9)A)centralizing of power issues.B)use of direct action to bring the capitals class to its knees.C)violent overthrow of the capitalist society.D)decentralized power issues and the isolation of Industrial relations from large economical andsocietal developments.E)irrelevancy of political solutions to Industrial relations issues.Answer:AExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)3

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10)Neoclassicists' major research strategy is:10)A)interviews of employers and employees.B)case studies.C)surveys of employees.D)quantitative statistical analysis.E)historical research.Answer:DExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)11)Which of the following doesnotdo much to explain the difference in union membership ratesbetween Canada and the U.S.?11)A)different union certification processes in the two countriesB)the existence of a social democratic party in CanadaC)broad trends in the Canadian and American economiesD)different laws governing the exclusion of various occupational groups from unionizationE)the fact that, in the past, a fair number of American unions were heavily involved withorganized crimeAnswer:CExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)12)As an interdisciplinary subject, Industrial Relations draws on all of the following fields, except12)A)Business Management.B)Political Science.C)Anthropology.D)Law.E)History.Answer:CExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)4

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13)Which of the following statements concerning Thomas Kochan and his associates' views ofDunlop's systems framework is inaccurate?13)A)The systems framework doesn't go far enough in explaining the importance of workplaceconflict.B)Dunlop places too much emphasis on collective bargaining.C)Dunlop pays insufficient attention to the role of management.D)The systems framework is of no value at all.E)The systems framework inaccurately assumes that all IR developments are carried out inisolation from other aspects of the firm's operations.Answer:DExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)14)All but which one of the following are challenges posed to employers by today's changing workforce and changing economy?14)A)maintaining loyalty and commitmentB)finding good IR people to negotiate with their unionsC)modifying work schedules to meet the needs of people of different religious persuasionsD)providing same-sex medical benefits to meet the needs of gay and lesbian couplesE)providing physically accessible premises to meet the needs of disabled workersAnswer:BExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)15)Reformists' political position is best described as15)A)far right.B)right of centre.C)left of centre.D)centre.E)far left.Answer:CExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)5

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16)Which of the following doesnothelp explain why union-management relations is an inadequatedefinition of industrial relations?16)A)government's role in the IR systemB)the role of customers and suppliers as stakeholdersC)the fact that over half the country's work force is not unionizedD)the role of entire communities as stakeholdersE)the growing importance of management in the IR systemAnswer:EExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)17)According to Radicalists, the bourgeoisie control17)A)entrepreneurship.B)capital.C)labour resources.D)means of production.E)raw materials.Answer:DExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)18)Institutionalists' major interest is in18)A)eliminating all workplace conflict.B)incentive pay.C)overthrowing the existing economic order.D)unions' impact on wages.E)real world IR institutions and public labour policy issues.Answer:EExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)19)From a Marxist perspective, Trade Unions are19)A)a band-aid solution and distraction from the working person’s main mission.B)a prelude to the total overthrow of the capitalist system.C)a tool of the capitalists used to placate workers.D)the best solution to Industrial relations issues.E)a good compromise between a Marxist and capitalist view.Answer:AExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)6

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20)Which of the following statements concerning managerialists is closest to being true?20)A)They will not work with a union under any conditions.B)They believe in motivating through fear rather than through positive incentives.C)They are strongly pro-union.D)They believe that if workers are paid well enough, managers needn't pay much attention tointrinsic working conditions.E)They believe that if progressive HRM policies are followed, most workplace conflict can bedone away with.Answer:EExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)21)Traditional Marxists believe change in the Industrial Relations system should come through21)A)direct affiliation with a political party.B)employee ownership and management of business enterprises.C)direct actions such as general strikes.D)indirect Political activity such as lobbying.E)violent overthrow of society.Answer:EExplanation:A)B)C)D)E)SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question.22)What are the important differences between Systems theory and Strategic Choice Theory?22)Answer:Strategic Choice Theory recognizes management has now become the dominantactor in Industrial Relations and that their values and attitudes will affect the rangeof options they will considered. Additionally the development of Industrialrelations cannot be considered in isolation from other developments within the firm.Also, the potential extent of conflict and the possibility that it may not be solvablethrough collective bargaining is recognized more by Strategic Choice than SystemsTheory.Explanation:23)What are some of the important differences between Radicalists and Political Economists?23)Answer:Radicalists believe that the Industrial relations system is broken and must bereplaced through political means and/or direct actions, such as general strikes.Political economists believe that despite its flaws the Industrial System in Canadacan be fixed through employee ownership and management of business enterprisesand the involvement of workers in their communities.Explanation:7

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24)What are some important differences between IR and organizational behaviour (OB),human resource management (HRM), and labour studies?24)Answer:IR is the only one of these fields to seek to strike a balance between equity andefficiency, and between the interests of workers and those of managers andemployers. Whereas OB and HRM generally take a pro-management approach andlabour studies, a pro-worker and often pro-union approach, IR takes into accountthe interests of all workplace actors.Explanation:25)List some advantages and disadvantages of today's increasingly fluid work schedules andlack of job security.25)Answer:The main advantage is that, what with people changing jobs and even careers farmore often than their parents and grandparents did, there's less time to becomebored. Just to stay afloat, many of us have to learn a broad range of job skills, whichcan increase our job satisfaction. The major disadvantage is that the lack of jobsecurity, even for a firm's best workers, can breed considerable resentment andfrustration and lead to a high degree of stress among workers. It's also very difficultfor employers to generate loyalty and commitment from workers who don't know ifthey'll have a job six months down the road.Explanation:26)Why (aside from the money they earn at work) do most people find work such animportant experience?26)Answer:First, simply because we spend so much time at work—more time than we spenddoing anything else, except sleeping. Second, because much of our adult identity isshaped there, and because we receive vital feedback and approval from our peersbased on our work performance. Third, because many (if not most) of our adultrelationships tend to be centred around the workplace. Many of us meet our lifepartners and a good many of our friends there. All this explains why people whodon't have jobs often feel like second-class citizens and why being fired from one'sjob is such a traumatic experience.Explanation:27)List one major strength and one major weakness of the managerialist perspective.27)Answer:The strength of this perspective is that it has really zeroed in on workers' concernsregarding the quality of their workplace experience. Through interviews, surveys,and case studies, managerialists have found out a lot about what makes individualworkers "tick" and how to motivate them. One of the perspective's majorweaknesses is that it has paid inadequate attention to the role of unions, which tendto operate on the basis of a group rather than an individual dynamic. Since unionsare the only organizations in Canada which can legally call strikes or file grievances,failure to study the role of unions means that any explanation of workplace conflictis likely to be seriously inadequate.Explanation:28)What common ideals are shared by Radicalists and Political Economists?28)Answer:Both believe that currently poser is too centralized with the capitalists and thatIndustrial relations development must takes place in the context of largerdevelopments in society and the economyExplanation:8

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29)What are some important differences between IR and labour economics and the sociologyof work?29)Answer:Whereas labour economics focusses on work's economic aspects and the sociology ofwork, on its psychic aspects, IR treats both aspects as interrelated. The field'sinterdisciplinary approach also allows for a much broader range of approaches to beused in studying work-related issues.Explanation:30)What are some important differences between institutionalists and reformists?30)Answer:In principle, both believe strongly in unions and collective bargaining. In practice,institutionalists have a good deal more faith in the IR system as presentlyconstituted than do reformists. The former generally believe that once good labourrelations laws are in place, employers and unions can bargain on more or less equalterms. The latter would argue that given widespread economic and politicalinequality, the playing field is a long way from being level, particularly inperipheral areas of the economy, and that widespread changes are needed to the taxsystem and social programs as well as to the existing system of employment-relatedlaws if collective bargaining is to work as it should.Explanation:31)What are the roles of managers, workers, and governments in Dunlop's systemsframework?31)Answer:Managers' role is to direct work, giving instructions to workers, whose job is to dothe work they are directed to perform. Government's primary role is that ofpeacekeeper and rule-maker, although within the public sector it also wears asecond hat as employer of that sector's workers.Explanation:TRUE/FALSE. Write 'T' if the statement is true and 'F' if the statement is false.32)It would be fair to say that the field of IR really began in North America as a reaction against theneoclassical perspective.32)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:33)Unions/management relations in Canada are conducted within a Federal legislative frameworkonly.33)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:34)Most people who work do it only for the money.34)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:35)Employment Legislation and Labour Relations Legislation are two distinct areas of law with nointeraction.35)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:9

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36)Dunlop's notion of shared ideology has proved useful in explaining the reasons for workplaceconflict.36)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:37)Few of today's workers need concern themselves very much with job security.37)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:38)Unions have an easier time recruiting members in regions with a history of positive labourrelations38)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:39)It would be fair to say that there are a good many workaholics in the Canadian labour force.39)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:40)Craig's version of the system framework places considerable importance on the role ofmanagement and management-related outcomes.40)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:41)Members of the political economy school are more sophisticated in their political prescriptions thanwere traditional Marxists of earlier years.41)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:42)Reformists would argue that as things stand, unions are unable to offer many workers any realprotection against arbitrary or unfair treatment by their employers.42)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:43)Union growth occurs unrelated to employment and economic trends43)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:44)A general strike is the type of action that syndicalists believe will reform Industrial Relations.44)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:45)Industrial relations (IR) has a single, very powerful theory which explains most phenomena in thefield.45)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:46)Countries that have a labour or social democratic party are likely to have higher union membershiprates than countries which don't.46)Answer:TrueFalseExplanation:10

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ESSAY. Write your answer in the space provided or on a separate sheet of paper.47)Explain how a study of Canadian and American union membership rates over time illustrates IR'sinterdisciplinary nature.Answer:(suggested). Since union membership is to a large extent a response to economic phenomena, economicsis clearly needed for any study of union membership growth. But Canada and the U.S. have had roughlysimilar economic experiences over the past three decades, and their economies have become increasinglyintegratedNyet the two countries' union membership rates have continued to diverge. Clearly, otherapproaches are needed to explain the divergence, which has increased at precisely the same time as thetwo countries' economies have become more closely intertwined. For example:48)What were some of the developments that gave rise to the strategic choice framework?Answer:(suggested): First, management had, in the view of Thomas Kochan and his associates, beeninadequately treated in most of the existing IR literature. Many texts didn't even contain a chapter onmanagement. Second, Kochan et al felt it was naive to assume that most workplace conflict could beworked out through collective bargaining, strikes, and the grievance process at a time when manyemployers were refusing to have anything to do with unions, some going to the extent of hiringconsultants to show them how best to get rid of their union or keep unions out. Kochan et al were alsocritical of the systems framework's tendency to treat IR developments in isolation from the rest of thefirm's activities, whereas at the time they were writing their theory, a growing number of firms werelinking their IR and HR strategies to their overall strategies. (Note: This answer can be fleshed out,especially if you have used the strategic choice diagrams in class during your introductory lecture).49)Of the important environmental differences between Canada and the United States, which is the most importantin making Strategic Choice theory less applicable in Canada?Answer:(suggested). The two important environmental differences are the existence in the U.S. of“right-to-work states and the existence in Canada of publicly funded medicare and other socialprograms which allow Canadian unions to resist employer demands for concessions and make collectivebargaining more successful.The relative importance of either will be up to the student but will usually follow from one of twoperspectives. If the student is ant-union they will argue that the American “right-to-work” idea is moreconducive to freedom and recognition of individual employee merit. On the other hand, the student maylook at Canada’s social safety net and argue that, as it is in large part due to the political activities ofunions and their political allies, and that as this is a benefit to society as a whole it is the more importantdifference.11

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50)From a reformist perspective, why must the Industrial Relations system be reformed to allow labour relationslegislation and collective bargaining to work?Answer:(suggested). Reformists believe that there must be major economic redistribution, pay and employmentequity reforms and other employment law reforms to correct widespread political and structuralinequality. This would allow unions to actually protect workers. Especially those in small businesseswho, although representing the majority of Canadian workers, lack the strength to adequately assert theirrights.Some reformists, such as David Beatty, would use theCharter of Rights and Freedomsto bring more people,such as managers, agricultural and domestic workers, under the umbrella of labour relations legislationand that labour law should be appraised on how it affects the worst-off members of society.A second group of academics focuses on power in the workplace and believe that the state has a hand inmaintaining existing power imbalances. This group also focuses on specific issues to be addressed bylabour relations legislation such as unsafe working conditions and layoffs.The common theme is that there must be a change in the function of labour relations legislation at either amacro or systemic level, or a micro or individual issue level.51)Discuss some of the strengths and weaknesses of the systems approach to IR.Answer:(suggested). It offers a good insight into the field's interdisciplinary nature and provides a useful (ifsomewhat traditional) view of the role of the three major actors. It's particularly helpful for comparativeIR, since it offers a convenient introductory approach to the study of systems with which a researcher isunfamiliar. By looking at the actors, the contexts in which they operate, and the web of rules governingthe actors' behaviour, one can learn a good deal about new systems quite quickly. The systemsframework also provides some kind of basis for comparing different systems (not in book, but good toconsider anyway).The systems framework is rather less satisfactory for the study of one's own system, or even a foreignsystem about which one already knows a good deal. It pays inadequate attention to environmentalinputs other than those emanating from the three contexts identified by Dunlop. Its notion of a "sharedideology" presupposes that the actors have more in common than, perhaps, they do. Perhaps mostserious of all, its treatment of conflict is seriously inadequate. Dunlop doesn't distinguish at all between"constructive" conflict, of the sort which can be worked out by the various institutions of collectivebargaining, and "destructive" or dysfunctional conflict, which cannot. Nor does he indicate to whatextent (if at all) conflict is inherent within the employment relationship and the IR system.Craig's versionof the system model represents an improvement on Dunlop's initial formulation in a number of ways.His input-output framework allows for the identification of a broader range of inputs, and his positionon conflict is somewhat more explicit. Craig at least implies that some level of conflict is inherent to theIR system through his identification of strikes, grievances, and lockouts as conversion processes. On thenegative side, Craig's treatment of management is seriously inadequate; he does not even identify profit,market share, or the good or service being produced as management outputs. Most of his conversionprocesses presuppose the existence of unions and collective bargaining, a fact which severely limits theapplicability of his framework in non-unionized workplaces. Finally, Craig appears to assume that mostconflict can be worked out within the IR system through the various conversion processes. A number ofrecent developments, particularly the growing adoption of hard-line anti-union strategies by employersin Canada as well as the U.S., cast doubt on such an assumption. Overall, while the systems frameworkmay constitute a useful starting-point for an investigation of the Canadian IR system, it needs to besupplemented by a more dynamic approach such as the strategic choice framework, which in particularoffers more insight into the IR developments of the past two decades.12

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Answer KeyTestname: C11)A2)C3)B4)E5)A6)C7)B8)C9)A10)D11)C12)C13)D14)B15)C16)E17)D18)E19)A20)E21)E22)Strategic Choice Theory recognizes management has now become the dominant actor in Industrial Relations and thattheir values and attitudes will affect the range of options they will considered. Additionally the development ofIndustrial relations cannot be considered in isolation from other developments within the firm. Also, the potentialextent of conflict and the possibility that it may not be solvable through collective bargaining is recognized more byStrategic Choice than Systems Theory.23)Radicalists believe that the Industrial relations system is broken and must be replaced through political means and/ordirect actions, such as general strikes. Political economists believe that despite its flaws the Industrial System inCanada can be fixed through employee ownership and management of business enterprises and the involvement ofworkers in their communities.24)IR is the only one of these fields to seek to strike a balance between equity and efficiency, and between the interests ofworkers and those of managers and employers. Whereas OB and HRM generally take a pro-management approachand labour studies, a pro-worker and often pro-union approach, IR takes into account the interests of all workplaceactors.25)The main advantage is that, what with people changing jobs and even careers far more often than their parents andgrandparents did, there's less time to become bored. Just to stay afloat, many of us have to learn a broad range of jobskills, which can increase our job satisfaction. The major disadvantage is that the lack of job security, even for a firm'sbest workers, can breed considerable resentment and frustration and lead to a high degree of stress among workers.It's also very difficult for employers to generate loyalty and commitment from workers who don't know if they'll havea job six months down the road.26)First, simply because we spend so much time at work—more time than we spend doing anything else, except sleeping.Second, because much of our adult identity is shaped there, and because we receive vital feedback and approval fromour peers based on our work performance. Third, because many (if not most) of our adult relationships tend to becentred around the workplace. Many of us meet our life partners and a good many of our friends there. All thisexplains why people who don't have jobs often feel like second-class citizens and why being fired from one's job issuch a traumatic experience.13

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Answer KeyTestname: C127)The strength of this perspective is that it has really zeroed in on workers' concerns regarding the quality of theirworkplace experience. Through interviews, surveys, and case studies, managerialists have found out a lot about whatmakes individual workers "tick" and how to motivate them. One of the perspective's major weaknesses is that it haspaid inadequate attention to the role of unions, which tend to operate on the basis of a group rather than an individualdynamic. Since unions are the only organizations in Canada which can legally call strikes or file grievances, failure tostudy the role of unions means that any explanation of workplace conflict is likely to be seriously inadequate.28)Both believe that currently poser is too centralized with the capitalists and that Industrial relations development musttakes place in the context of larger developments in society and the economy29)Whereas labour economics focusses on work's economic aspects and the sociology of work, on its psychic aspects, IRtreats both aspects as interrelated. The field's interdisciplinary approach also allows for a much broader range ofapproaches to be used in studying work-related issues.30)In principle, both believe strongly in unions and collective bargaining. In practice, institutionalists have a good dealmore faith in the IR system as presently constituted than do reformists. The former generally believe that once goodlabour relations laws are in place, employers and unions can bargain on more or less equal terms. The latter wouldargue that given widespread economic and political inequality, the playing field is a long way from being level,particularly in peripheral areas of the economy, and that widespread changes are needed to the tax system and socialprograms as well as to the existing system of employment-related laws if collective bargaining is to work as it should.31)Managers' role is to direct work, giving instructions to workers, whose job is to do the work they are directed toperform. Government's primary role is that of peacekeeper and rule-maker, although within the public sector it alsowears a second hat as employer of that sector's workers.32)TRUE33)FALSE34)FALSE35)FALSE36)FALSE37)FALSE38)TRUE39)TRUE40)FALSE41)TRUE42)TRUE43)FALSE44)TRUE45)FALSE46)TRUE47)(suggested). Since union membership is to a large extent a response to economic phenomena, economics is clearlyneeded for any study of union membership growth. But Canada and the U.S. have had roughly similar economicexperiences over the past three decades, and their economies have become increasingly integratedNyet the twocountries' union membership rates have continued to diverge. Clearly, other approaches are needed to explain thedivergence, which has increased at precisely the same time as the two countries' economies have become more closelyintertwined. For example:14

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Answer KeyTestname: C148)(suggested): First, management had, in the view of Thomas Kochan and his associates, been inadequately treated inmost of the existing IR literature. Many texts didn't even contain a chapter on management. Second, Kochan et al felt itwas naive to assume that most workplace conflict could be worked out through collective bargaining, strikes, and thegrievance process at a time when many employers were refusing to have anything to do with unions, some going tothe extent of hiring consultants to show them how best to get rid of their union or keep unions out. Kochan et al werealso critical of the systems framework's tendency to treat IR developments in isolation from the rest of the firm'sactivities, whereas at the time they were writing their theory, a growing number of firms were linking their IR and HRstrategies to their overall strategies. (Note: This answer can be fleshed out, especially if you have used the strategicchoice diagrams in class during your introductory lecture).49)(suggested). The two important environmental differences are the existence in the U.S. of “right-to-work states andthe existence in Canada of publicly funded medicare and other social programs which allow Canadian unions to resistemployer demands for concessions and make collective bargaining more successful.The relative importance of either will be up to the student but will usually follow from one of two perspectives. If thestudent is ant-union they will argue that the American “right-to-work” idea is more conducive to freedom andrecognition of individual employee merit. On the other hand, the student may look at Canada’s social safety net andargue that, as it is in large part due to the political activities of unions and their political allies, and that as this is abenefit to society as a whole it is the more important difference.50)(suggested). Reformists believe that there must be major economic redistribution, pay and employment equity reformsand other employment law reforms to correct widespread political and structural inequality. This would allow unionsto actually protect workers. Especially those in small businesses who, although representing the majority of Canadianworkers, lack the strength to adequately assert their rights.Some reformists, such as David Beatty, would use theCharter of Rights and Freedomsto bring more people, such asmanagers, agricultural and domestic workers, under the umbrella of labour relations legislation and that labour lawshould be appraised on how it affects the worst-off members of society.A second group of academics focuses on power in the workplace and believe that the state has a hand in maintainingexisting power imbalances. This group also focuses on specific issues to be addressed by labour relations legislationsuch as unsafe working conditions and layoffs.The common theme is that there must be a change in the function of labour relations legislation at either a macro orsystemic level, or a micro or individual issue level.15
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